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The Army Air Forces in World War II, Vol. 1 (archived PDF)

Air Force Historical Studies Office · 863 pages · text from the file's own layer

This is Volume One of The Army Air Forces in World War II, titled Plans and Early Operations, January 1939 to August 1942, edited by Wesley Frank Craven and James Lea Cate. The University of Chicago Press first published it in 1948, and the Office of Air Force History reprinted it in 1983. The front matter explains how the AAF historical program was set up during the war. The index covers Pacific, Atlantic and European operations, and nothing in the text concerns unidentified aerial phenomena.

  • p. 303 …of Naval Opera- tions; Adm. Ernest J. King, Commander in Chief, U.S. Fleet; Gen. George…
  • p. 316 …So far as the Navy is concerned, Admiral King, as you know, is not only Chief…
  • p. 493 …Admiral King believed that the mines offered a tempting bait to the Japanese who were currently…
  • p. 526 …Hence Admiral King placed a bid for suffi- 461
  • p. 527 …t this stage of the war Admiral King had accepted the belief that his carrier planes…
  • p. 538 …plan by 2 9 June, when Admiral King submitted to the Joint Chiefs a proposal that…
  • p. 607 …type * O n 5 March 1942, Admiral King wrote to General Arnold as follows: “The experience…
  • p. 608 …s.’l A formal request by Admiral King to the Chief of the Army Air Forces…
  • p. 609 …In a letter of 9 March 1942 to Admiral King, he proposed “the estab- lishment of…
  • p. 614 …In June, Admiral King expressed the official Navy position on this point with the utmost clarity…
  • p. 615 …In a memorandum to Admiral King, General McNarney, Deputy Chief of Staff, on 26 May outlined…
  • p. 616 …viewed as a temporary deta~hment.?~ Admiral King’s reaction to these cautious proposals was expressed…
  • p. 618 …the same words as used by Admiral King a month earlier: the answer to the antisubmarine…
  • p. 621 …On 14 September, General Marshall wrote to Admiral King: “Experience with the First Bomber Command in…
  • p. 622 …T o General Marshall’s proposal of 14 September, Admiral King had replied that, although he…
  • p. 641 …54 A week later General Marshall, Admiral King, Harry Hopkins, and a small staff flew to…
  • p. 645 …that scheduled to operate from the United King- dom. Dry topic or no, organization must figure…
  • p. 684 …the principal air task in the United King- dom had long been conceived as strategic bombardment…
  • p. 707 …establishment of base depots in the United King- dom became the basis of action in January…
  • p. 724 …Implicit in all of the arrangements being made in the United King- dom was the belief…
  • p. 788 …Force, Pt. I ; Fleet Adm. Ernest J. King, First Official Report to the Secretary of the…
  • p. 793 …Memo for Adm, King from C/S, 17 Mar. 1 % ~ . 34. JPS 2I/j/D, 7…
  • p. 795 …4 Aug. 1942. 108. Zbid. 109. Adm. King’s Report on Battle of Midway, incl. in…
  • p. 797 …306, 29 June 1942; memos for Adm. King from Mar- shall, 26 June 1942, and for…
  • p. 802 …1942; CM-IN-0629, Chung- king to AGWAR, # # z , 3 Apr. 1942; memo for Gen. Arnold…
  • p. 805 …Ltr., Arnold to King, 2 5 Feb. 1942. certain evidence from all Allied and enemy sources…
  • p. 806 …Memo for King from McNarney, 26 May 1942. 7 1 . Ltr., King to Marshall, 10 June…
  • p. 807 …Ltr., Marshall to King, 14 Sept. 1942, TAB XIVA, in Bowles report; memo for C G…
  • p. 808 …to notes from Mar- shall and Adm. King). 3 2 . A I c m o for…
  • p. 814 …Forces to the United King- dom, App. A, 19 Aug. 1942. 50. Ltr., Col. H.L…
  • p. 851 …C.E., 48-50 Killin, Pfc, 219 Kilner Board, 1 2 0 Kimbolton, 63 I King…
  • p. 854 …in Chief, 515, 5 2 2 , 544. (see also King); controversy over air power vs. battleship…
T H E A R M Y A I R F O R C E S I N W O R L D W A R I 1
Atlantic Current policy was dictated by the concentra-
tion of profitable targets within easy range in the Ruhr, by the tie-in
between the blockade and the increased strain on inland transporta-
tion, and by the small force of bombers then available. The British
professed, on humanitarian and military grounds alike, a distaste for
indiscriminate bombing of nonmilitary targets; but they laid great
stress on the effect of bombardment on civilian morale. They did not
hope to frighten Germany into surrender, though they did believe
the civilian temper less staunch there than in England; rather, they
expected that the interruption of normal patterns of civilian life in-
cident to prolonged bombardment would eventually disrupt German
war industry.
T o attack congested transportation centers surrounded by sprawl-
ing factory districts, they chose area rather than pinpoint bombing,
and stray bombs-“overs” and “shorts”-were absorbed by adjacent
residential districts. Because targets thus defined were large, and more
importantly because German defense was rugged, attacks were de-
livered at night from medium or high altitudes. Bomber Command
was proving that its Stirlings and Manchesters (as later its Lancasters
and Halifaxes) could deliver a heavy load of bombs in the general
vicinity of a transportation-industrial complex without prohibitive
losses. In view of lower costs of construction, the greater bomb load,
and the smaller crew demanded, the night bomber seemed more eco-
nomical than the day. The clinching argument was the factor of
lower operational losses.
Even before the war, RAF preference had run to night tactics for
strategic bombardment, an attitude which must have influenced the
design of British planes. Wartime experience had strengthened this
view. The English, for all their stout reaction to the air blitz, had a
healthy respect for the psychological effects of area bombing. They
knew also the heavy cost of daylight bomber operations against con-
stantly improved defenses, both from their defeat of the Luftwaffe in
1940 and from their own missions over the ~ 0 n t i n e n t . l ~ ~The RAF
continued to deliver small daylight attacks against precision targets,
but these were exceptional. The low-level raid on a Diesel engine
factory at Augsburg on 1 7 April 1942 may be cited as an exarn~1e.I~~
Success in hitting a vitally important target may have justified the
loss of seven out of twelve Lancasters dispatched, but the percentage
was too high for routine practice. So while the British were willing to
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