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The Army Air Forces in World War II, Vol. 1 (archived PDF)

Air Force Historical Studies Office · 863 pages · text from the file's own layer

This is Volume One of The Army Air Forces in World War II, titled Plans and Early Operations, January 1939 to August 1942, edited by Wesley Frank Craven and James Lea Cate. The University of Chicago Press first published it in 1948, and the Office of Air Force History reprinted it in 1983. The front matter explains how the AAF historical program was set up during the war. The index covers Pacific, Atlantic and European operations, and nothing in the text concerns unidentified aerial phenomena.

  • p. 173 …At the Roosevelt-Churchill conference at sea in mid-August, Generals Marshall and Arnold had made…
  • p. 226 …Air Service Command under Col. L.S. Churchill. Because of a shortage of experienced officers, only…
  • p. 282 …President Roosevelt and Prime Minister Churchill with their chiefs of staff, then meeting in Washington, had…
  • p. 287 …the arrival in Washington of Prime Minister Churchill, his chiefs of staff, and other high-ranking…
  • p. 290 …stipulated in ABC-I. A t Mr. Churchill’s request, U.S. troops were to relieve…
  • p. 302 …the U.S. forces, and by Mr. Churchill as British Prime Minister and Minister of Defense…
  • p. 303 …Field Marshal Sir John Dill representing Mr. Churchill as Minister of De- fense. Sir John Dill…
  • p. 304 …of such a personal representative of Mr. Churchill might make difficult the maintenance of normal military…
  • p. 425 …O n the same day, Prime Minister Churchill informed Gen. Sir Archibald Wavell of his selection…
  • p. 628 …Western Hemisphere. When the President and Mr. Churchill met with their military staffs in the ARCADIA…
  • p. 630 …strong support in a long cable from Churchill to Roosevelt, delivered on 5 March, in which…
  • p. 636 …first in a gen- eral meeting with Churchill, later among the airmen alone.34Arnold reviewed the…
  • p. 639 …Much had happened in the two months which had passed since Churchill had approved that plan…
  • p. 640 …Duncan, chief of staff for the Eighth Air Force, wrote from Washington to Spaatz that Churchill…
  • p. 641 …postponement was al- most tantamount to refusal. Churchill was back in London by the 27th. In…
  • p. 642 …then back in Washington, that Roosevelt and Churchill “believed” that T O R C H was…
  • p. 661 …Even during the Battle of Britain, Churchill could tell the House of Commons that “there seems…
  • p. 705 …4 1 . ~ ~The following month, Prime Minister Churchill in conference with Messrs. Harry Hopkins and Averell…
  • p. 810 …2 0 August 1940, in R.S. Churchill, ed., Into Battle (London, 1941),p. 2 5…
  • p. 811 …comp., Winston Churchill’s Secret Session Speeches (New York, 1946), p. 85. 161. Larner report, as…
  • p. 845 …L.S., 182 Churchill, Prime Minister Winston, 133, 1369 141, 232, 235-37, 2409 2431 252…
T H E A R M Y A I R F O R C E S I N W O R L D W A R I 1
the bomber offensive was viewed by most members of the Anglo-
American chiefs of staff committees as a means by which the German
war machine could be trimmed down to size. Strategic bombardment,
then, was a form of attrition to be used simultaneously with others-
the blockade, economic pressure through neutrals, subversive activi-
ties, psychological warfare, and commando raids.15’ Developed in
1940 by the British, this concept of war was grounded in realistic
appraisal of current capabilities. British manpower was pitifully weak
in comparison with that of Axis and satellite nations, and imperial
policies dictated a wide dispersal of forces as well as an impregnable
defense of the home islands. Materiel losses sustained in the Battle of
France had hardly been recouped by 1941,and a return to the con-
tinent in that year was unthinkable. The strategy was sanctioned, too,
by ancient tradition. For centuries England in her European wars had
relied on the Royal Navy, a small professional army, and the land
forces of allies. In 1914-18 that tradition had been broken; large
citizen armies had fought in France and Belgium, and the losses had
been appalling. That experience had strongly affected British military
thought between the wars,152and lessons drawn therefrom seemed
painfully substantiated by the fortunes of the British Expeditionary
Force in 1940. The new strategy, then, was but a return to the old,
with Bomber Command thrown in as the only offensive weapon.
Even during the Battle of Britain, Churchill could tell the House of
Commons that “there seems to be every reason to believe that this
new kind of war is well suited to the genius and the resources of the
British nation and the British Empire and that, once we get properly
equipped and properly started, a war of this kind will be more favor-
able to us than the sombre mass slaughters of the Somme and Pas-
schendaele.”’53 It was in accordance with this view that heavy
bombers had been given, next to the requirements for home security,
highest priority in the British production program;154 and that
Bomber Command had stepped up the tempo of the operations begun
on a modest scale in the summer of 1940. So when Hitler’s attack on
the U.S.S.R. reduced the imbalance of forces, the new situation was
viewed as an aid to current strategy rather than as an invitation to
open a second front. This attitude is epitomized in a remark attributed
to Air Minister Sir Archibald Sinclair, to the effect that “our two
mightiest weapons are the Russian army and the RAF.” 1 5 5
It is significant that this strategy had evolved before there was any
5 9 2

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Document, cited by the archive. The PDF is mirrored here; the original link is above. 863 pages are in the text index: search them above, or from the library's search.