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The Army Air Forces in World War II, Vol. 1 (archived PDF)

Air Force Historical Studies Office · 863 pages · text from the file's own layer

This is Volume One of The Army Air Forces in World War II, titled Plans and Early Operations, January 1939 to August 1942, edited by Wesley Frank Craven and James Lea Cate. The University of Chicago Press first published it in 1948, and the Office of Air Force History reprinted it in 1983. The front matter explains how the AAF historical program was set up during the war. The index covers Pacific, Atlantic and European operations, and nothing in the text concerns unidentified aerial phenomena.

  • p. 173 …At the Roosevelt-Churchill conference at sea in mid-August, Generals Marshall and Arnold had made…
  • p. 226 …Air Service Command under Col. L.S. Churchill. Because of a shortage of experienced officers, only…
  • p. 282 …President Roosevelt and Prime Minister Churchill with their chiefs of staff, then meeting in Washington, had…
  • p. 287 …the arrival in Washington of Prime Minister Churchill, his chiefs of staff, and other high-ranking…
  • p. 290 …stipulated in ABC-I. A t Mr. Churchill’s request, U.S. troops were to relieve…
  • p. 302 …the U.S. forces, and by Mr. Churchill as British Prime Minister and Minister of Defense…
  • p. 303 …Field Marshal Sir John Dill representing Mr. Churchill as Minister of De- fense. Sir John Dill…
  • p. 304 …of such a personal representative of Mr. Churchill might make difficult the maintenance of normal military…
  • p. 425 …O n the same day, Prime Minister Churchill informed Gen. Sir Archibald Wavell of his selection…
  • p. 628 …Western Hemisphere. When the President and Mr. Churchill met with their military staffs in the ARCADIA…
  • p. 630 …strong support in a long cable from Churchill to Roosevelt, delivered on 5 March, in which…
  • p. 636 …first in a gen- eral meeting with Churchill, later among the airmen alone.34Arnold reviewed the…
  • p. 639 …Much had happened in the two months which had passed since Churchill had approved that plan…
  • p. 640 …Duncan, chief of staff for the Eighth Air Force, wrote from Washington to Spaatz that Churchill…
  • p. 641 …postponement was al- most tantamount to refusal. Churchill was back in London by the 27th. In…
  • p. 642 …then back in Washington, that Roosevelt and Churchill “believed” that T O R C H was…
  • p. 661 …Even during the Battle of Britain, Churchill could tell the House of Commons that “there seems…
  • p. 705 …4 1 . ~ ~The following month, Prime Minister Churchill in conference with Messrs. Harry Hopkins and Averell…
  • p. 810 …2 0 August 1940, in R.S. Churchill, ed., Into Battle (London, 1941),p. 2 5…
  • p. 811 …comp., Winston Churchill’s Secret Session Speeches (New York, 1946), p. 85. 161. Larner report, as…
  • p. 845 …L.S., 182 Churchill, Prime Minister Winston, 133, 1369 141, 232, 235-37, 2409 2431 252…
F U N D A M E N T A L B A S E S O F S T R A T E G Y
almost perfect unanimity of the vote in the Congress on our declara-
tion of war was symptomatic of the national temper.’ This did not
mean that criticism of the administration’s policies was completely
hushed-within a month after Pearl Harbor the basic war strategy
was under fire from intransigents in the press and in the Congress-
but the nation as a whole began to gird itself for a war effort on a
scale hitherto unprecedented.
If the national reaction to Pearl Harbor boded ill for the Axis
powers, there was still little cause for early optimism in the United
States. Indeed, the success of the Japanese attacks threatened momen-
tarily to disrupt the whole trend of our strategic thinking. T h e plans
which had been worked out in collaboration with the British earlier
in 1941had bccn oriented toward Germany. The Tripartite Pact ( 2 7
September 1940) had strengthened the belief that Japan would join
Germany should that nation go to war with the United States, but
Anglo-American military leaders considered it possible to contain
Japan by a strategic defensive until the defeat of Germany would
allow full force to be applied in the Pacific. From 1938 the United
States had invoked sanctions against Japan in the form of moral em-
bargoes, but until summer of 1941 the administration had not been
so outspoken in its denunciation of Japanese activities as of German.
T h e President’s radio address of 2 7 May 1941,announcing the proc-
lamation of an unlimited national emergency, is indicative of this
policy: it was most frank in its description of the dangers we faced
from Hider’s government, but it contained no direct reference to
Japan.‘ To gain time for completing our defense measures, the ad-
ministration continued to negotiate through normal channels with
Japan until that nation began, late in July, to threaten southern Indo-
China. A Japanese move in that direction would have isolated the
Philippines and menaced both the Netherlands East Indies and lines
of communication essential to the security of Great Britain itself.
Immediately the United States began to stiffen its p ~ l i c y , ~and at the
Atlantic conference in mid-August the President and Prime Minister
agreed to act along parallel lines in warning Japan.‘ From there on,
relations between the United States and Japan steadily worsened until
by 2 6 November they had reached a crisis.5 Hurried steps had been
taken to reinforce American outposts in the Pacific, and by the British
to improve the defenses of Singapore. In each case the efforts were
limited in nature. T o a large extent this was due to the as yet inade-
235

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Document, cited by the archive. The PDF is mirrored here; the original link is above. 863 pages are in the text index: search them above, or from the library's search.