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The Army Air Forces in World War II, Vol. 1 (archived PDF)

Air Force Historical Studies Office · 863 pages · text from the file's own layer

This is Volume One of The Army Air Forces in World War II, titled Plans and Early Operations, January 1939 to August 1942, edited by Wesley Frank Craven and James Lea Cate. The University of Chicago Press first published it in 1948, and the Office of Air Force History reprinted it in 1983. The front matter explains how the AAF historical program was set up during the war. The index covers Pacific, Atlantic and European operations, and nothing in the text concerns unidentified aerial phenomena.

  • p. 173 …At the Roosevelt-Churchill conference at sea in mid-August, Generals Marshall and Arnold had made…
  • p. 226 …Air Service Command under Col. L.S. Churchill. Because of a shortage of experienced officers, only…
  • p. 282 …President Roosevelt and Prime Minister Churchill with their chiefs of staff, then meeting in Washington, had…
  • p. 287 …the arrival in Washington of Prime Minister Churchill, his chiefs of staff, and other high-ranking…
  • p. 290 …stipulated in ABC-I. A t Mr. Churchill’s request, U.S. troops were to relieve…
  • p. 302 …the U.S. forces, and by Mr. Churchill as British Prime Minister and Minister of Defense…
  • p. 303 …Field Marshal Sir John Dill representing Mr. Churchill as Minister of De- fense. Sir John Dill…
  • p. 304 …of such a personal representative of Mr. Churchill might make difficult the maintenance of normal military…
  • p. 425 …O n the same day, Prime Minister Churchill informed Gen. Sir Archibald Wavell of his selection…
  • p. 628 …Western Hemisphere. When the President and Mr. Churchill met with their military staffs in the ARCADIA…
  • p. 630 …strong support in a long cable from Churchill to Roosevelt, delivered on 5 March, in which…
  • p. 636 …first in a gen- eral meeting with Churchill, later among the airmen alone.34Arnold reviewed the…
  • p. 639 …Much had happened in the two months which had passed since Churchill had approved that plan…
  • p. 640 …Duncan, chief of staff for the Eighth Air Force, wrote from Washington to Spaatz that Churchill…
  • p. 641 …postponement was al- most tantamount to refusal. Churchill was back in London by the 27th. In…
  • p. 642 …then back in Washington, that Roosevelt and Churchill “believed” that T O R C H was…
  • p. 661 …Even during the Battle of Britain, Churchill could tell the House of Commons that “there seems…
  • p. 705 …4 1 . ~ ~The following month, Prime Minister Churchill in conference with Messrs. Harry Hopkins and Averell…
  • p. 810 …2 0 August 1940, in R.S. Churchill, ed., Into Battle (London, 1941),p. 2 5…
  • p. 811 …comp., Winston Churchill’s Secret Session Speeches (New York, 1946), p. 85. 161. Larner report, as…
  • p. 845 …L.S., 182 Churchill, Prime Minister Winston, 133, 1369 141, 232, 235-37, 2409 2431 252…
T H E A I R C O R P S P R E P A R E S F O R W A R , 1 9 3 9 - 4 1
armament in his message of 28 January 1938, it was in the interests
of “national defense,” a familiar In his comparable message
of 4 January 1939, he repeated the phrase but he also pledged “our
people and our resources” to the protection of the Western Hemi-
sphere and its common ideals.46This was only a reaffirmation of the
principles of the Monroe Doctrine, but the nature of the threats
against the Americas and the means of defense were rapidly changing.
Traditionally, military threats against the hemisphere had been con-
ceived in terms of a naval attack followed by an invasion by ground
forces. Against such dangers, the U.S. Navy had generally been con-
sidered our main bulwark, and since the inception of the Monroe
Doctrine we had enjoyed the tacit support of British seapower. Only
to the archisolationist did defense mean literally the repulse of an
enemy from our own shores. In January 1938, the President stressed
the need of keeping “any potential enemy many hundred miles away
from our continental limits.” 4 7 The war in Europe did little to allay
anxieties concerning an amphibious assault in force, and by the end
of June 1940 the danger seemed acute. The Nazis had overrun Poland,
Norway, Denmark, and the Low Countries; France had collapsed and
Italy had joined her Axis partner. The British Expeditionary Force,
broken as an effective army, had barely escaped from Dunkirk, and
the Atlantic coast from Narvik to Bordeaux was in the hands of the
Germans, who seemed poised for the assault on Britain. Gone was
American skepticism over the “sitzkrieg,” and our ideological sym-
pathy toward Britain was sharpened by concern for our own security.
It required not too much imagination to envisage a complete Axis vic-
tory in Europe which would a t best deny us the moral support of the
Royal Navy with its shipyards, and, at worst, place that fleet and
the French at the disposal of the Germans. Such additions to a com-
bination of Japanese, Italian, and German sea forces would have
imposed upon the U.S. Navy an impossible task. That the gravity of
the situation was widely appreciated in the United States was shown
not only by the wide publicity given to the threatened realignment
of ~ e a p o w e r , ~ ~but also by the celerity with which Congress sped
through additional appropriation bills to give us a “two-ocean navy.”
But there were, as well, threats of a new sort. The war in Europe,
with its co-ordination of military and political action, its emphasis
on surprise and speed, and its concentration of power against nodal
points had indicated that aggression against the western world might
“7

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Document, cited by the archive. The PDF is mirrored here; the original link is under it. 863 pages are in the text index: search them above, or from the library's search.