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1995-10-01a- CIA Conference Report: THE CHALLENGE OF ETHNIC CONFLICT TO NATIONAL AND INTERNATIONAL ORDER IN THE 1990S GEOGRAPHIC PERSPECTIVES 01-Oct-95

Central Intelligence Agency · 205 pages · text from the file's own layer

This Central Intelligence Agency conference report, dated October 1995, contains the proceedings of a conference on ethnic conflict held 30 September to 1 October 1993. The CIA's Geographic Resources Division sponsored it. Academic geographers, anthropologists and US Government officials presented papers on ethnic and territorial conflict in Eastern Europe, Western Europe, the former Soviet Union, Africa, Latin America, the Middle East, Asia and South Asia. They also discussed what these conflicts mean for US policy. The document contains no UFO material.

  • p. 120 C00123268 Until now, most China scholars have dismissed the Anderson (1983), it is the feeling of…
  • p. 121 …In Ben Anderson's terms, Dr. Sun was engaged in "stretching the short, tight skin of…
  • p. 126 C00123268 References Anderson, Benedict. Imagined Communities: Reflec- Friedman, Edward 1993. "China's North-South Split tions…
  • p. 133 …the ruins of ancient civilizations (Anderson; 1991). The same passions that inflamed modern European Understanding the…
  • p. 135 C00123268 References Anderson, Benedict 1991. Imagined Communities: Hickey, Gerald 1982. Sons of the Mountains, Yale Reflections…
  • p. 182 …House, eds., London: Croom Helm, 1984, J. Anderson, "Nationalist ideology and territory," in pp. 168-190…
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able to construct a regional sense of ethnicity cannot The role of caste in the postindependence period has
readily be determined, but none of these attempts to changed considerably. In the past, power at the local
achieve a separate state succeeded. level was typically shared by the dominant landhold-
ing group and the ritually supreme Brahmans. Each
Another outcome of states reorganization was the group legitimized the role of the other in its appropri-
escalation of what have been called "nativistic" move- ate sphere. With the coming of democracy, however,
ments. In such movements the dominant linguistic numbers, rather than ritual ascendancy or other claims
group of a particular state, styling themselves as "sons to elite status, became increasingly important determi-
of the soil," sought, by a combination of legal mea- nants of power. Throughout India, at all levels of gov-
sures, intimidation, and violence, to limit the opportu- ernment and across the political spectrum, parties
nities of immigrant groupsfrom other states-and appealed to particular types of caste constituencies to
sometimes of indigenous Muslims as well-and, in gain support. Local magnates-believed to control
some instances, to create legal obstacles to their settle- large "vote banks" of their caste followers-offered
ment. The strongest of these movements were in their support to specific parties in return for a place on
Asamn h rngsta. vthe ballot. Single castes rarely composed an absolute
Assam and Maharashtra. majority of the electorate; alliances among various
Tribal and Caste-Based Ethnicity caste groups were therefore common.
A number of tribal groups who aspired either to state-
hood within the Indian union or to full independence Anti-Brahmanisnhad become a potent political force
were disregarded in the initial phase of the linguistic in some regions even in the preindependence period.
reorganization. In the mineral-rich Chhota Nagpur, in The appeal of Charan Singh to a wide spectrum of
the northeast of peninsular India, tribals had estab- middle-level peasant castes over much of the Hindi-
lished a forerunner of the present-day JharkhandParty speaking area of India was a key factor in catapulting
as early as 1939. The party has campaigned intermit- the of emergencyto power in tiated following Gndhi in
tently for a tribal state since the parliamentary elec- period eerenfor initiatena n hi n
tions of 1957. Other groups, most notably the Nagas 1975. The desire for empowerment among middle-
and later the Mizos along India's northeastern borders, level groups found expression during the period of
resorted to armed rebellion. Many among these fron- Janata rule in the creation of the Mandal Commission,
tier tribals were Christians, almost all spoke languages which drew up a report in 1982 suggesting a new set
unrelated to the major languages of the states in which of quotas for te imily to sose the
they lived, and very few had reason to feel a deep Backwardons stuiol guaranteed to Scheduled Castes
sense of loyalty to IndChristian groups as well as by Pai- and Scheduled Tribes. Although the Janata Party did
stan and China, all of which provided them with moral not remain in power long enough to implement the
and/or material support. provisions of the Commission's report, the decision to
do so by a new National Front government in 1990
The Indian Government's attitude in dealing with touched off a wave of violent protest over large parts
tribal demands was generally less conciliatory than it of India and contributed to the government's collapse
was in respect to other ethnic groups. Ultimately, shortly thereafter.
however, through a combination of military suppres-
sion, co-optation of compliant leaders, and other tac- Below the OBCs in India's social hierarchy are the
tics, accommodations were reached with elements of Scheduled Castes, formerly untouchables, who con-
each of the rebellious frontier groups, and many new, pose rough le for equality before the lwpouation
tribally dominated administrative units-either uno heirnstre foequbytaitionally sueriwanorgop a
territories or fullfiedged states-were established. The humane treatment by traditionally supe
much more numerous, but also more pacific, tribal
groups, however, continue to find their political aspi-
rations frustrated.
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FOIA release, from the cia-readingroom collection. The PDF is mirrored here; the original link is above. 205 pages are in the text index: search them above, or from the library's search.