Documents / FOIA release
This Central Intelligence Agency conference report, dated October 1995, contains the proceedings of a conference on ethnic conflict held 30 September to 1 October 1993. The CIA's Geographic Resources Division sponsored it. Academic geographers, anthropologists and US Government officials presented papers on ethnic and territorial conflict in Eastern Europe, Western Europe, the former Soviet Union, Africa, Latin America, the Middle East, Asia and South Asia. They also discussed what these conflicts mean for US policy. The document contains no UFO material.
“Anderson”6 pages
C00123268 Edward Friedman (1993), Emily Honig (1991), and their landlords. People now often praise Zhou Enlai by others have demonstrated a new rising importance of stressing his southern Jiangnan linkages. And even the politics of ethnic and cultural difference within Jiang Jieshi-Chiang Kai-shek-was praised as a China proper. Not only have the "official" minorities Southerner who knew how to get money out of the in China begun to more strongly assert their identities, United States. pressing the government for further recognition, autonomy, and special privileges, but also different Liao Ping-hui (1993), a Taiwanese sociologist, reports groups from within the so-called "Han" majority have that Taiwan is also experiencing a dramatic reasser- begun to rediscover, reinvent, and reassert their ethnic tion of the gaoshan "aboriginal" peoples to their differences. indigenous rights and claims. Age-old Taiwanese/ Mainlander ethnic cleavages (Hill Gates 1981) have In the south especially, there has been a recent rewrit- given way to a predominance of Taiwanese language ing of history, illustrated by a newfound interest in the and political figures in everyday life as well as a host southern Chu Kingdom as key to southern success. of other groups maneuvering along traditional cultural Edward Friedman reports the establishment of muse- and linguistic grounds for political power. ums throughout southern China dedicated to the glori- ous history of the southern Kingdom of Chu, as The assertions of the politics of difference within the manifested in both the Warring States period, majority Han society militate against traditional 475-221 BC and the Three Kingdoms 220-265 AD. assumptions about the "homogeneous" Chinese, the Many Southerners now see the early Chu as essential monoculturalism of China, and the predominance of a to Chinese culture and as distinct from the less impor- 91-percent Han majority nationality. Local differences tant northern dynasties. In a significant departure from are now becoming recognized as "ethnic," (Honig traditional Chinese historiography, southern scholars 1992), whereas previously most China scholars dis- are beginning to argue that by the 6th century BC the missed them as merely "regional." This semantic bronze cultures of the Chu spread north and influ- shift, from "regional" to "ethnic" reflects a new enced the development of Chinese civilization, not the salience placed upon the politics of difference in the other way around. This argument supports a reevalua- People's Republic. tion of the importance of the south to China's past, as well as economic and geopolitical future (Friedman Traditional China studies emphasized "China"as one 1993). civilization, one country, and one culture. Rarely was there serious attention paid to cultural and political Rising consciousness of the southern Chu, or Can- difference in China studies unless it concerned the tonese, is paralleled by reassertions of identity among "exotic" minority border peoples, almost always the Hakka people,.the southern Fujianese Min or Hok- regarded as marginal to power and politics in the Peo- kien, the Swatow, and a host of other peoples empow- ple's Republic. Most studies dealt only with ethnic ered by economic success and embittered at age-old differences as related to the 55 official minority restraints placed on them from the north. Many people nationalities of China. While two recent collections in are beginning to note the southern leanings and ori- Daedalus and two new edited volumes on Chinese gins of central party political figures, and it is not national identity have begun to address this issue, unusual to hear reports that so-and-so is a Hakka and most of them approach the issues of cultural identity therefore has acted in a certain way. Leading figures from the other direction, that is, asking what binds the considered to be Hakka or part Hakka include Deng Chinese together-Confucianism, Communism, state- Xiaoping, Hu Yaobang, and Ye Jianning-father of authoritarianism, familism, or language-rather than Guangdong's previous governor. It is now widely what might be pulling them apart. Conflicts with known that all members of the Chinese Communist China's long divisiveness over cultural, linguistic, and Party's (CCP) southern bases in the 1920s and 1930s were Hakka, as were their leaders. Mao successfully mobilized Hakka hatred against other Southerners and 110
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FOIA release, from the cia-readingroom collection. The PDF is mirrored here; the original link is above. 205 pages are in the text index: search them above, or from the library's search.