Collection of Assorted Newspaper and Magazine Clippings: Jfk Assassination, Conspiracy Theories, Etc

Read from the scan by GLM-OCR; expect the odd misread word.

Northern Territory and its associates of the Western Commission occurred during a news conference held by Dr. D.A. Henry Wade while Owald was present. There during the conference. Wade announced that Owald was a member of the Free Cuba Committee. A witness slip of the tongue, since that committee is a violent and Castro group. At last, though, a friendly voice in the dark of the room connected Wade and informed him that Owald was, in fact, a member of the Fair Play Ice Cuba Committee. The friendly voice belonged to a supporter propietor named Jack Ruby.

Taken single, any one of these happenings can be written off to simple charge. Taken together, they form a music of a man in, around, aided and abused by intelligence agencies of one sort or another throughout the last six years of his life.

Deduction, however, is not proof. And in the absence of official explanation, the common-sense linking of a series of irreducible occurrences as all that is left to critics of the Warren Commission. The recent disclosures that the FBI was involved in the wholesale planting and buying of double agents in radical groups during the 1960s, coupled with the revelations that the CIA was involved not once but several times in assassination plots against Castro and according to The magazine, earned out such plots against Francois Duvalier and Rafael Trujillo, provides added impetus to crimes who are ready, in any case, to name one of the world's troubles on the machinations of U.S. intelligence. Lynne Johnson himself termed the CIA's operations in the Caribbean "a damn murder incorporated."

All the same, there is, at this moment, not a shred of credible evidence that links either the CLA or the FBI to the planning and carrying out of John Kennedy's murder. What Oswald's connections to U.S. intelligence do provide is a rationale for the cover-up that followed the assassination. For, whether or not Oswald was part of an assassination conspiracy, there was, after his murder, no convenient way for an intelligence agency to explain that, while Oswald had been in their employ, he was not acting at their benches on the 22nd of November, 1963. The "duty rumors" that so terrified the Warren Commission would always exist. There remained only one solution. The rumors, as Rankin told the commission, "must be wiped out." Clumsily, stupidly, the Warren Commission set out to do just that.

The Ubiquitous Mr. Hunt

Lee Harvey Owald was not the on-

As suppose the movie amusement that is in Collins New York is to be viewed up after the invasion and after pro-

vincing quiescence toward it there is a photo of the cop's head as three of the men from the scene but what they were in other is unknown. They were re-

ceived before anyone needed to take their names in the Warner Commission report, they are referred to as "Tramps." In the photo one of those tramps bears a passing resemblance to Frank Sturges, one of the Watergate Cubans. The older man looks remarkably like America's favorite spy: author, burglar, blackmailer, assassination devotee E. Howard Hunt.

The resemblance is so striking that some assassination bullets, notably comedian Dick Gregory, have charged that the photograph not only looks like E. Howard Hunt but is E. Howard Hunt. The staff of the Rockefeller CIA Commission, headed by David Belin, has obligingly promised to check the matter out. Belin's eagerness to investigate is understandable. For although the photo of one of the tramps looks a bit like Hunt today, it resembles him not at all II and a half years ago. More to the point. Hunt has an iron-clad alibi. At the moment John Kennedy was killed, he was having lunch in Washington.

Other details about Hunt and his circle of Cuban friends, however, are not so easily explained. Hunt's path and Oswald's have a curious way of overlapping. The New Orleans address shared by the Hunt Cuban group and Fair Play for Cuba is merely one example. Another is Hunt's presence in Mexico City, as the CIA's acting station chief, when Oswald showed up looking for a visa, the same visit that touched off the mysterious CIA cables about a look-alike Oswald who, in fact, did not look like Oswald at all.

For Hunt to be involved, however peripherally, with Oswald and the events surrounding the assassination is perfectly in keeping with Hunt's image of himself as the master spy and conspirator. In Give Us This Day, his account of the Bay of Pigs invasion (in which he served as the CIA's political officer). Hunt writes bitterly of the invasion's "betrayal" at the hands of Kennedy, who, according to Hunt, sought "to whitewash the New Frontier by heaping guilt on the CIA." The betrayal, as far as Hunt and his Cuban comrades were concerned, involved Kennedy's stopping of air support and an assassination attempt on Castro that was to coincide with the landing. The Bay of Pigs was not the first time Hunt recommended assassination, or the last. In 1960 Hunt tried to sell a Castro as

that was turned down in 1905 according to a criminal Lt. Neale. Hunt was back with another Castro assassination scheme. This time the plot, in which a boarded Cuban physician named R.undo Cebela was to be the trigger man, went forward, only to be foiled at the last minute by Lyndon Johnson's decision to invade the Dominican Republic. Hunt apparently had these plots in mind when he wrote to the White House in 1972 about his participation in "many illegal conspiracies"—conspiracies that might come to light if funds for his defense and the support of his family were not quickly forthcoming.

Hunt, of course, was not the only anti-Castroite with a fondness for assassination. Frank Sturgis—alias Fiorini—a former gunrunner and casino operator in Cuba, was also an aficionado. Unlike Hunt. Sturgis did come to the attention of the Warren Commission. In tracing Oswald's background, the commission came across stories that Oswald had, both in New Orleans and Miami, tried to infiltrate anti-Castro refugee groups. One story had it that Oswald had tried to become part of an anti-Castro raiding party; another, that he had been exposed as an infiltrator and been in a fight with a Cuban in Miami; yet a third, that he had been in contact with Cuban intelligence. The truth or falsity of any of these tales is less interesting than their source. The Warren Commission placed them at the doorstep of Hunt's old pal. Frank Sturgis.

This time, the coincidence could be legitimate. The history of pro-Castro and anti-Castro plotting and counterplotting is so tangled that it is virtually impossible to sort out who was doing what to whom and why at any one time. The cast of characters is enormous. There is even evidence that Jack Ruby ran guns for the anti-Castro Cubans. And the list stretches on. Does it mean anything? Could Hunt and Sturgis have been involved in Kennedy's assassination? One can only guess. The Warren Commission failed even to ask the questions.

## Too Many Oswalds

For a man who supposedly committed the crime of the century, Lee Harvey Oswald behaved rather oddly. Before the assassination, he seemed to go out of his way to call attention to himself-getting in fights, stirring up a fuss at a shooting range, boasting to a car salesman that he would soon be coming into a "lot of money." These incidents have two things in common. Oswald always identified himself quite loudly, and later the people he had been involved with had trouble identifying him. The incident with the car

continued