Collection of Assorted Newspaper and Magazine Clippings: Jfk Assassination, Conspiracy Theories, Etc

Read from the scan by GLM-OCR; expect the odd misread word.

deeds and all the well known assassination attempts.

It even went into one episode that was not an assassination attempt. That was the shooting of the Chilean chief of staff, Gen. Hene Schneider, in 1970, as part of a bungled effort to stage a kidnapping that would provoke a military coup against the Allende regime.

In handling the investigation Sen Church behaved with exemplary re

that the committee inquiry, despite the comments of the President and Vice President, did not find there was clear presidential responsibility for all the actions taken by the CIA in the assassination area.

But even Sen. Church could not admit that the bureaucratic interplay between a President and a secret intelligence agency was inevitably a matter

passed by the CIA to those who did the killing. It requests tapes from a time when tapes were probably not being made. It refers to a highly sensitive special file of Nixon papers that Secretary of State Henry Kissinger says he didn't even know existed.

The upshot of the subpoena is to throw the hot potato back to the White House. Now if any secrets remain un

used to the serious business of war new garrison and establishing new military for command and test over the U.S. In the bargain there would be a little dont made in the public myth that some kind of tax is a ways in. and that all the country's problems can be solved if only there is a tough investigation of the bad guys

1813 Fruit Enterprises, Inc.

## Jack Anderson

# ... And a Return to the Shadows

The Central Intelligence Agency may come out of its penitent period with its powers and privileges still intact.

The calls for reform have produced more promises than changes. Always have been halted, but the causes have gone uncorrected.

All the white, the CIA has been slipping back into the shadows. The scandal-weary public is tiring of sordid spy stories. The investigations on Capitol Hill are running out of steam.

Sensing that the worst is over, CLA chief William Colby is trying to put the lid back on. President Ford has joined him in warning that the investigations could impair the collection of vital intelligence.

Colby contends that the chastened spy agency won't again overreach its legal limits. There is nothing wrong with the CIA, he insists, that the right indoctrination and discipline can't cure. Once the authorities on high define the agency's mission with a little more clarity and lay down the circumst that abuses won't be tolerated, premises Colby, the CIA can be counted upon to operate within constitutional constraints.

I have talked with Colby, and I am sure he means this. In my opinion, he will work within the CIA to make it a better, more responsible agency.

Yet it was only 14 years ago that the CIA went through another upheaval. The blunder of all CIA blunders was the Bay of Pigs invasion. President Kennedy was so angry after the fissco that he threatened "to splinter the CIA in a thousand pieces and scatter it to the winds."

Instead, he confronted the CIA's civilian watchdogs. "Something is gravely wrong inside the CIA, and I intend to find out what it is," he proclaimed. "I cannot afford another Bay of Pigs."

He personally attended many of the civilian advisory board's secret sessions and helped to fashion reforms that were imposed upon the CIA. He charged his brother, Robert, with the responsibility to see that the reforms were put into effect. The younger Kennedy shook up the agency from top to bottom.

Yet throughout the very throes of these reforms, the CIA used the Mafia to make several attempts on the life of Cuban Premier Fidel Castro. And the worst excesses of the CIA, including the illegal spying on American citizens, occurred during the next 10 years.

Now the Rockefeller Commission is prepared once again to rely on a "strengthened" civilian advisory board to make the CIA behave. The Rockefeller reformers would grant the board full powers for "assessing the quality of foreign intelligence collection."

There is something dismayingly familiar about this. Back in 1961, the board was reformed with powers, according to the old charter, to "conduct a continuing review and assessment of foreign intelligence activities."

In other words, the board has always had the powers Nelson Rockefeller so piously would now bestow upon it. He should be aware of this, since he has served on the board. He should also be familiar with its history of acquiescence to the CIA.

Periodically, CIA officials have been

called before the board for questioning. The sessions have always been sober but sympathetic, with the sadality that characterizes gentlemen who share grave secrets.

Participants have assured us that they have often pressed reforms upon the CIA. But apparently, these have been more structural than substantive. The CIA officials always listen solemnly to their civilian advisors. Thereafter, the officials call meetings, issue directives, move the furniture around and otherwise create the impression that changes will be made. And then they quietly return to their same old routines.

The cozy relationship between the watchdogs and the watchees is exemplified by the board's executive secretary, Wheaton Byers. My associate, Jim Grady, asked him for the phone numbers of board members so we could solicit their comments

Byers indignantly refused, saying we wrote a "scurrilous" column that printed classified information. Evidently, he considered the phone numbers of the members classified, since he refused to give them out. We reached several of them anyway; with rare exception, we found them as protective as Byers toward the CIA.

This seems to be the attitude of everyone close to the CIA. They agree with Colby, who wants to make it a crime for newsmen to publish classified information. The legislation he has in mind, of course, would authorise the CIA director to determine what should be classified.

This would give the nation's spy chief total censorship power over all news that comes out of the C.I.A. As his

way of reform. In other words he would put the emphasis not on correcting CIV abuses but on keeping them out of the newspapers.

Certainly he can argue that the C.I. would not be under fire today if he had already possessed this extraordinary power. The abuses would have zone unpublished, uninvestigated and therefore, uncorrected.

The Rockefeller Commission. It isn't willing to go quite as far as Colby, comes perilously close. The commission wants to make it a criminal offense for employees or former employees of the C.I.A. willfully to diverge to any unauthorized person classified information pertaining to foreign intelligence or the collection thereof obtained during the course of their employment."

If the CIA is to regain the trust of the people, it must allow more, less, light on its activities. No nation has been as successful as the United States in maintaining a free society. It requires a powerful light to expose the abuses that threaten our freedom.

Footnote: The Rockefeller Commission has also come out, four spares against domestic spying. But the recommendation leaves a handy loop which permits a little benign spying there should be "a clear danger" Agency facilities, operations or personnel." Of course, this was precisely rationale used by the CIA to begin illegal domestic spying in the place. What the CIA needs, clearly, a tough new charter spelling in rights and wrongs of intelligence operations.

C 19.4. Critical Pressure Structures