Documents / FOIA release
This is a Central Intelligence Agency release dated 2025-06-12 under the JFK Act. It collects 1975 newspaper and magazine clippings. They include Mark Harris's New York Times Magazine essay on a UCLA "Conspiracy in America" conference and the conspiracy-theory mindset, a Jack Anderson column on stalled CIA reform, and wire reports of Richard Helms calling CBS newsman Daniel Schorr "Killer" after he testified to the Rockefeller Commission. There is also an essay on power and a publishing item about Philip Agee's book.
Read from the scan by GLM-OCR; expect the odd misread word.
cannot always be victorious. Most of us think power lies elsewhere, in the next office, on the floor above in the white house. Thus, trivial as power games may sometimes seem, they are a means of defining who we are, of preserving both our freedom of action and our ability to effect change. We learn, early on in the schoolyard, that things often go badly for bystanders, that engaging ourselves in events may lead to their turning out in our favor, rather than against us. When you pick up the telephone, write a letter, join in a conversation, you are like it or not — initiating a game, at the end of which you will either feel pleased with yourself or have the nagging sense that you have somehow been diminished, reduced in significance. Nothing is static; every action makes us more or less than we were before. Even the most mundane office is a place in which to test our power. Every moment in the day offers us the opportunity to try our skills, to enjoy our triumphs, to learn something, from defeats — for we cannot change We have to learn to fight subtly, ruthlessly, constantly for our own. As nations carry on diplomacy and war to maintain their own independence, so we too must play the games of power in order to be ourselves, to avoid "being lived by events, rather than living them." What is at stake is our ability to be the person we want to be, rather than being the person others want us to be. What we all want is what Rollo May describes as "sense of significance. a person's conviction that he counts for something, that he has an effect on others, and that he can get recognition from his fellows." It is not power - perhaps not even the abuse of power - that is at the root of the White House horrors. "The thing that is completely misunderstood about Watergate," said former White House special counsel Charles Colson, "is that everybody thinks the people surrounding the president were drunk with One could see these traits in former President Nixon - the joyless asses, "the endless struggle for control," the compulsive need to be "on top," the tortured attempts to disguise even small deficits as victories of some kind, the endless pleas for sympathy and understanding, the feeling that life is nothing but a tough challenge, in which hard work and the will to win count for everything 'But was the Hixon administration unique in this respect. Many of the people we think are powerful turn out on closer examination to be merely frightened and anxious. It is a mistake to assume that the position and the person are the same thing. A man may have money, a great position of authority, but if we notice that his hands are constantly fidgeting on his desk, that he can't look us in the eye, that he crysms and uncrosses his legs as if suffering from a bad itch in the crotch and that when the telephone rings, he can't make up his mind whether to pick it up or ignore it, we can then. I think, safely conclude that he is not a man of power. However humble our own position, we have a chance of getting whatever it is we want. How often we fail to recognize this, how long it takes us to learn the difference between real and simulated power, what opportunities we waste! The essence of power is the ability to cope with the demands of life, not to react like a paranoid at every real or imagined threat, or waste one's life and energy trying to submit everything to one's own control. The world is a disorderly and dangerous place, and always has been, and the man of power must learn to live in it comfortably. It is one thing to have a sense of order, but quite another to impose that sense of order on the rest of the world no amount of power is sufficient for that, and one can only fail in the attempt. We can only control others to a limited degree, and the world is full of men who seem powerful in their little world, but are in fact oblated to their desks like galley slaves, to the oar. On and on they labor, far into the night, because they fear one moment of instention or hesitation will undermine their power. There is no doubt that a "high-level self-pity influenced the style of the Nixon White House, and self-pity is not an emotion one connects with a sense of power. What is more, it leads to numbers, the illusionary and hard We don't in fact know much about power. No sooner had the scandal of Watergate been revealed than sermons began to appear on the evils of power, as if the White House under Richard M. Nixon had been the palace of Nebuchadnezzar. Yet what was Watergate but an example of the price of impotence? The rationale for the burglary—and all that followed But power is not based on winning all the time. A man who has to win every battle is asking the impossible of himself and the world, and is likely to collapse the first time he encounters defeat. A powerful man, by definition, is able to survive failure and humiliation, to draw some deeper wisdom from them, to practice what John F. Kennedy called "grace under pressure." individual who is truly alive. I've said this to our ball club. Every time you win, you're reborn; when you lose you are a little. "Power!" says the Rev. John J. McLaughlin, the controversial Jesuit who was a deputy special presidential assistant, and seemed to function as chief escorist to the defunct Nixon White House. "What do we know about it? We don't know anything about it. We have sex education why don't we have power education? You can train yourself to handle power." True enough, though one wonders, judging from Father McLaughlia's support for such temporal matters as the Christmas bombing of Hanoi, the mining of Haiphong and the president's stand on Watergate, whether he himself is able to perceive the difference between what he describes as "two views of power ... an opportunity for an ego-trip, and an opportunity for service." ## ```markdown ``` Perhaps borein lies a key to the difficulty we have in coping with power - it is perhaps the most personal desire we have, since even the intimacy of sex is usually shared with someone else. Power, by contrast, is a private passion, the winning and the losing are internal, only we can know whether or not we've won our game. Yet love it we do. In the words of novelist Patrick Anderson, "It's like a woman you want to stay in bed with forever. But that's not all, not for the best people. There's all you can do with power, if you're smart and tough and lucky. You get kicked in the mouth every day, but sometimes there'll be those moments when you've done everything right, when everything breaks your way, and then you're soaring, you've won your game, whether or not anyone else knows it or understands it or even gives a damn." worthlessness that made them fear they had no right to be there, and might at any moment be found out, revered as weak and ordinary men. George Allen of the Washington Bedskin, this man's favorite football coach, was perhaps unconsciously speaking for the president when he remarked. "The winner is the only The basic proposition is simple - I am not, supposed to like power, though it's what I most want, therefore I must pretend that it has been thrust upon me by others against my will; and I must convince everyone around me that it is a painful burden, that I'm suffering on their behalf. The feeling is that while it may be all right to have power, it is wrong to enjoy it Not surprisingly, many powerful people are hypochondriacs. On the one hand, they want to command and control; on the other, they want to be comforted and appreciated. One way of bridging these conflicting de The kinds of jobs that lead to power naturally involve stress and responsibility, but I strongly suspect that the businessmen who felt their health was affected were simply responding to the "suffering quotient." This is an extension of the Purita pleasure-pain principle, in which pleasure must be expiated by an equivalent or greater amount of pain, and implies that all power, insolar as it is enjoyed, must be justified by suffering. The complain of personal people about stress, anxiety and overwork are mostly begin, and when they're real, they're self-imposed. It's a form of guilt. power, if some, it is worth staying in the office all summer simply in order to be able to say, "I never take vacations." It is part of the suffering quotient. As if that weren't enough, a group of researchers has found that power (and "achievement orientation") correlates very highly with serum uric acid, the substance in the blood that is responsible for gout, and which is considered "a possible risk factor in coronary heart disease." Serum uric acid is high among powerful, successful men, and at its lowest among the unemployed, a depressing piece of information for the ambitious to consider. Blood pressure and serum cholesterol both increase among those who have "responsibility for others" in a working situation, which makes it hardly surprising that nearly 30 per cent of the businessmen who responded to one nationwide survey felt that their jobs "had adversely affected their health." Of course power takes its toll too. Erkul Enikson has pointed out that Martin Luther, a man with an enormous need and drive for power, suffered all his life from constipation, a misfortune which obsessed the great reformer to the point that his spiritual breakthrough took place while he was sitting on the toilet. Enikson goes out that Luther was "compulsively retensive," that he stored up his energies and his knowledge as if aware that they would someday be released in a single, explosive moment, a purgative flash that would at once cleanse Luther himself and the Church. pie are not only anxious to control everything, but determined not to let go of anything. Be this as it may, because of laxatives seems to increase as power increases, and a good many of the powerful people I know not only suffer from renalipation, but diseases it quileenly, as if it were proof of their success, a form of self-imposed suffering. I have seen a motion picture halted every morning at 9:30 so that the director — a man of fame in the movie business — could go off and fight the daily battle with his recalcitrant bowels. As he left, the cast and the crew wished him success, and on his return he would describe exactly what had happened, or not happened, in graphic detail. Gradually I came to realize that knowledge of the daily state of his bowels was a kind of status symbol. Think of it: actually being able to force people to discuss this as if it were a subject of fascination. What greater proof of power! It is a curious sign of our admiration for power that we associate power and health: in former times, power was popularly supposed to lead to worry, illness, premature age and baldness, rather like mastery. Today, we expect the powerful to grow with health, and they mostly do. The successful exercise of power, like a satisfactory sex life, helps to make people feel good about themselves, whatever the real state of their health, and constant excitement turns up the system wonderfully. If shortens supposedly spurs us on power, health is usually taken as a side arm of having it. Years ago, I remember seeing Robert F. Kennedy walk into a room full of people in Hawaii, all of them rich and healthy, and noting that he positively radiated and health and energy. "Ged!" I thanked the woman beside me, "ok what power does to you. I wish I knew." A message that Amy Communicated Amy Announced that almost whole person thru was part of a managed with the International agency. The cap- sibility Rew the La and Lee by Jock was died in 1865 certain that reduced In Kennedy was the Shrimp a aassionation Jason Damas- height means something to people, and it's who not to forget it. The chairman of one great conglomerate is said to have a pedestal behind his neck so that he appears to be about a foot taller than he really is when he stands up to greet somebody, and it is ensured that a stockholder meeting had to be delayed because an ordering had forgotten to place the principal behind the podium. It is certainly true that he likes to have short feet around him; one's chances of success at this particular corporation are vastly increased if one is under $1 million in height. Indeed, being tall is dangerous there. The chairman lives to humiliate people who are taller than he is, and sometimes promotes them just so that he can make them suffer. "Big is dumb, short is smart." he once told an executive who had displeased him. ```markdown ``` but it unavailble on the rare occasions when Harry Cain dined with it was said to place a telephone with untrustworthy on his chair. I must shoes," which promise an additional two inches in height, applied to the same inscrutiny. 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FOIA release, from the cia-readingroom collection. The PDF is mirrored here; the original link is above. The text was read from the page images by GLM-OCR; expect the odd misread word. 83 pages are in the text index: search them above, or from the library's search.