Documents / FOIA release

(Estimated Pub Date) the Challenge of Ethnic Conflict to National and International Order in the 1990S: Geographic Perspectives- October 1995

Central Intelligence Agency · 1995-10-01 · 205 pages · text from the file's own layer

This Central Intelligence Agency conference report, numbered RTT 95-10039 and dated October 1995, presents the proceedings of a conference held 30 September to 1 October 1993. The CIA's Geographic Resources Division sponsored the conference. In it, academic geographers, anthropologists and US Government officials examined ethnic conflict by region, covering Eastern Europe, the former Soviet Union, Africa, Latin America, the Middle East, Asia and South Asia. The report also discusses what these conflicts mean for US policy. It does not deal with UFOs or unidentified aerial phenomena.

  • p. 50 …For example, Muslim Serbs and Muslim Croats never defined them- selves as a people. They never…
  • p. 51 …I think that’s very crucial to under- standing why the Albanians never claimed Kosovo. Of…
  • p. 62 …be taught as a second foreign language, never as the first, and d_) less information and…
  • p. 78 …It never was. It might be useful, instead, to view the Soviet Union as a colonial…
  • p. 91 …As such, the ability of states to get from their people what they want has never…
  • p. 92 …The peoples of Africa never chose what their bound- aries should be—they were imposed by…
  • p. 93 …I never would have sent them in the first place. I thought our job was to…
  • p. 109 …Most of the provisions of this agreement were never imple- mented, and Kurdish autononiy became a…
  • p. 110 …those remaining in Lebanon, that prospect was never accepted by Muslims. The absence of believable data…
  • p. 112 …the vast majority of them—who have never known democracy. Other hopes can be enter- tained…
  • p. 114 …But in this region we can never say never, as evi- denced by the recent gasp…
  • p. 116 …Although Sovietologists could never have predicted the rapid events that dismantled the USSR at the beginning…
  • p. 119 …The Chinese, in my opinion,‘ never take China for granted, culturally, politically, or otherwise. This is…
  • p. 120 …What is going on here? National identities, although imagined, are never arbi- trary but arise in…
  • p. 121 …be one reason why these categories have never been challenged. The very Confucian practice of the…
  • p. 123 …These ethnic identities are “imagined” in Ben Ander- son’s (1983) terms, but they are never…
  • p. 133 …Inter- vention in the cause of the exacerbation of ethnic conflict should never be justified. Intervention…
  • p. 141 …Sociocultural identities in South Asia have never been fixed. The corporate mobility of particular groups, some…
  • p. 147 …Although never posing a serious challenge to Congress, the Mahasabha was particularly influential in the period…
  • p. 157 …were always moderate and that the extremists never represented the Sikh rank and file. One fundamental…
  • p. 166 …These are the people who have never had any form of internationally recognized status and who…
  • p. 169 …ways to enter as illegal immigrants and never get counted. 1 I Another important point to…
  • p. 177 …The -French nation never managed to incorpo- rate the adjacent French-speaking Belgian Walloons or the…
  • p. 186 …The reason Armenians still hate Turks is that there has never been reconciliation. Similarly there will…
  • p. 204 …You are never going to have total agreement on mov- ing boundaries. In fact, hundreds of…
Approved for Release: 2018/06/01 C00123268
Djibouti and Somalia
Although Djibouti and Somalia lie on the African con-
tinent, they are not, by regional definition, African
states. The situation in Somalia has been summarized.
In Djibouti, two dominant ethnic groups, the Afars (or
Danakil) and the Issas, have a history of conflict. The
Issas, who constitute about one-third of the total popu-
lation of about 500,000, inhabit the southern third of
the country. They spill over into Somalia (where they
number about 60,000) and Ethiopia (some 250,000).
In Djibouti, they constitute the majority. The Afars
inhabit the northern two-thirds of Djibouti; they form
about one-fifth of the total population. Their domain
extends into Eritrea as well as Ethiopia, where they
number some 600,000. Five other main ethnic groups
make up the rest of the population.
Power in Djibouti has resided with the Issas, who
dominate the armed forces. In 1991, a guerilla move-
ment arose in Afar territory, culminating in December
in the notorious Arhiba massacre in Djibouti City,
when government troops killed numerous Afars.
Although efforts were made (with French involve-
ment) to defuse the situation, things remained violent
and tense in 1993. Some observers suggest that the
independence of Eritrea will impel a reorganized Ethi-
opia to involve itself in Djibouti’s affairs.
Rwanda and Burundi
This country lies between countries in which some of-
Africa’s bloodiest ethnic conflict has taken place,
Uganda and Burundi. In Uganda, the Baganda were at
the center of the strife; in Rwanda and Burundi, the
long—term issue is between the Tutsi (Watusi) and the
Hutu. During four months in 1972, more than 100,000
Hutus were killed by the minority Tutsi in Burundi.
Ethnic strife in October 1993 and April 1994 added
more than 600,000 to the death toll.
Historically, the Tutsi were smaller in number, but
stronger in terms of power, than were the Hutu. The
Tutsi, organized into kingdoms, acquired land and
subjugated the Hutu. Social standing more than tribal
origin distinguished Hutu from Tutsi. Repression,
rebellion, and chaos followed independence, with the
Hutu staking their claim to power and privilege and
the Tutsi fighting to retain it. The conflict always had a
lower profile in international affairs than the Amin
episode and its excesses in Uganda, but its costs were
nevertheless enormous.
The latest phase began in late 1990, when a contingent
of Tutsi refugees in exile in Uganda invaded northern
Rwanda. The (Hutu) Habyarimana government
responded not only by sending a defending army but
also by arresting and executing Tutsis in the country.
The Tutsi force, under the banner of the Rwanda Patri-
otic Front, survived an early setback and moved
toward the capital, Kigali. According to correspon-
dents on the scene, external forces also played a role
in the conflict. The French helped the Kigali govem-
ment, and there were reports of Ugandan support for
the rebels. French support was based, reportedly, on
the Francophone nature of Rwanda’s upper crust; the
Tutsi had been “ang1icized” in Uganda, and there were
French fears of Francophone loss in the event of Tutsi
success.
All this became moot in April 1994 following the
death of Rwanda’s President in a suspicious plane
crash at Kigali Airport. Hutu militias embarked on an
orgy of (apparently planned and premeditated) murder
of Tutsis and “moderate” or “collaborationist” Hutus.
The ensuing refugee flow carried as many as 2 million
Rwandans into Zaire and Tanzania; as many as
600,000 were killed. In March 1995, Tutsi in Burundi
attacked Hutu, and the cycle of violence retumed to
this country. No end to this tribal conflict is in sight.
Angola
The disastrous and continuing conflict in Angola was
an ethnic conflict magnified by strategic forces, and in
the aftermath of the Cold War it continued unabated.
Dominant in the ethnic jigsaw of Angola have been
the Mbundu in the east, the Ovimbundu of the center
and west, the Bakongo of the north, and the Ovambo
of the south. Luanda, the capital, lies in the Mbundu
heartland. In the anticolonial struggle, each ethnic
group formed its own movement: the Mbundu-
dominated MPLA in the Luanda hinterland, the
Bakongo-run FNLA, and Ovambo-Ovimbundu
UNITA of the south. In the postindependence civil
war, the FNLA was quickly ousted, and a prolonged
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Approved for Release: 2018/06/01 C00123268

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FOIA release, from the cia-readingroom collection. The PDF is mirrored here; the original link is under it. 205 pages are in the text index: search them above, or from the library's search.