Documents / FOIA release

(Estimated Pub Date) the Challenge of Ethnic Conflict to National and International Order in the 1990S: Geographic Perspectives- October 1995

Central Intelligence Agency · 1995-10-01 · 205 pages · text from the file's own layer

This Central Intelligence Agency conference report, numbered RTT 95-10039 and dated October 1995, presents the proceedings of a conference held 30 September to 1 October 1993. The CIA's Geographic Resources Division sponsored the conference. In it, academic geographers, anthropologists and US Government officials examined ethnic conflict by region, covering Eastern Europe, the former Soviet Union, Africa, Latin America, the Middle East, Asia and South Asia. The report also discusses what these conflicts mean for US policy. It does not deal with UFOs or unidentified aerial phenomena.

  • p. 50 …For example, Muslim Serbs and Muslim Croats never defined them- selves as a people. They never…
  • p. 51 …I think that’s very crucial to under- standing why the Albanians never claimed Kosovo. Of…
  • p. 62 …be taught as a second foreign language, never as the first, and d_) less information and…
  • p. 78 …It never was. It might be useful, instead, to view the Soviet Union as a colonial…
  • p. 91 …As such, the ability of states to get from their people what they want has never…
  • p. 92 …The peoples of Africa never chose what their bound- aries should be—they were imposed by…
  • p. 93 …I never would have sent them in the first place. I thought our job was to…
  • p. 109 …Most of the provisions of this agreement were never imple- mented, and Kurdish autononiy became a…
  • p. 110 …those remaining in Lebanon, that prospect was never accepted by Muslims. The absence of believable data…
  • p. 112 …the vast majority of them—who have never known democracy. Other hopes can be enter- tained…
  • p. 114 …But in this region we can never say never, as evi- denced by the recent gasp…
  • p. 116 …Although Sovietologists could never have predicted the rapid events that dismantled the USSR at the beginning…
  • p. 119 …The Chinese, in my opinion,‘ never take China for granted, culturally, politically, or otherwise. This is…
  • p. 120 …What is going on here? National identities, although imagined, are never arbi- trary but arise in…
  • p. 121 …be one reason why these categories have never been challenged. The very Confucian practice of the…
  • p. 123 …These ethnic identities are “imagined” in Ben Ander- son’s (1983) terms, but they are never…
  • p. 133 …Inter- vention in the cause of the exacerbation of ethnic conflict should never be justified. Intervention…
  • p. 141 …Sociocultural identities in South Asia have never been fixed. The corporate mobility of particular groups, some…
  • p. 147 …Although never posing a serious challenge to Congress, the Mahasabha was particularly influential in the period…
  • p. 157 …were always moderate and that the extremists never represented the Sikh rank and file. One fundamental…
  • p. 166 …These are the people who have never had any form of internationally recognized status and who…
  • p. 169 …ways to enter as illegal immigrants and never get counted. 1 I Another important point to…
  • p. 177 …The -French nation never managed to incorpo- rate the adjacent French-speaking Belgian Walloons or the…
  • p. 186 …The reason Armenians still hate Turks is that there has never been reconciliation. Similarly there will…
  • p. 204 …You are never going to have total agreement on mov- ing boundaries. In fact, hundreds of…
Approved for Release: 2018/06/01 C00123268
repugnant to a pluralistic society such as the United
States. Ultimately, instability is not caused by demo-
cratically expressed claims by individuals and
national communities but by the denial of these
claims.
The above solutions should be categorically rejected.
Other policy prescriptions offer more traditional solu-
tions. In the name of stability, the Realpolitik school
calls for working within the existing state system. The
so-called Sonnenfeld Doctrine of the mid-1970s, in
effect, accepted the status quo in Europe; that is,
spheres of American and Soviet influence. The propo-
nents of this school emphasize Principles 3 and 4 of
the Helsinki Final Act, respectively the inviolability of
frontiers and respect for territorial integrity. What they
fail to recall is that the Helsinki Final Act is a care-
fully balanced document based on centuries of sad
European history. Using time-honored Jesuitical logic,
the Helsinki drafters declared that “all principles are
equal.” The first Helsinki principle, for example, notes
that “frontiers can be changed by peaceful means and
agreement. Thus the United States recognized the
peaceful unification of Gennany in 1990 and the
peaceful dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991.
The Wilsonian model, on the other hand, stresses the
promotion of ethnic rights through national self-deter-
mination. It has certain academic allure. However, as
much as European statesmen paid lipservice to this
ideal at Versailles, it was more honored in the breech
than the observance in the interwar period. Moreover,
carried to its discouragingly logical conclusion, this
model, like Russian nesting dolls, might well lead to a
state structure composed of increasingly small (and
untenable) states—Yugoslavia divided into five or six
states; Bosnia divided into three states; or the Soviet
Union divided into 15 states, Russia (or Georgia)
divided into x states, ad infinitum.
From Marx to Milosovic
For many the collapse of the Soviet Union represented
the ultimate triumph of Western liberal democracy.
Marxist-Leninism had been thoroughly discredited
as a method of-organizing society. Moreover, for the
first time in over 400 years, no major power sought
hegemony in Eastern Europe. With visions of a new
Marshall Plan, the nations of Central and Eastern
Europe and the former Soviet Union understandable,
if naively, believed that the West would willingly open
its doors——and coffers—to their former adversaries.
Despite rhetorical sympathy, this has not been the
case. Perhaps it was inevitable, but new (and age-old)
problems—ethnic strife, ultranationalism, and mas-
sive migration—quickly replaced Soviet Commu-
nism as the primary threats to Europe. When the walls
came down in the East, economic and other barriers
were erected in the West. European governments,
beset by recession, worried more about halting the
westward flow of goods and people than about inte-
grating the economies of the East into the European
Community.
Adrift between EEt_?aEd West, the countries of the
former Warsaw Pact perceive themselves in a politi-
cal, economic, and security vacuum. And dema-
gogues, often seeking ethnic scapegoats, plow fertile
fields of public discontent. Without a sense of being
part of a larger community—govemed by accepted
rules of behavior—neo-Communist and ethnic nation-
alist may once again set the rules.
The Nation-State and Ethnic Rights
What type of state structure can best protect the ethnic
groups of Europe? The European nation-state has
been both the traditional protector and persecutor of
indigenous ethnic groups. Historically, both Germany
and Russia have assumed a special responsibility for
their ethnic counterparts wherever they might live.
(Even today, Germany grants automatic citizenship to
all ethnic Germans.) These same nation-states, how-
ever, have a melancholy history regarding the treat-
ment of'other minority ethnic and religious groups. By
the same token, the decline of the nation-state, partic-
ularly in the East, can also lead to increased ethnic
tensions, as we have witnessed in the former Yugosla-
via. If the traditional nation-state system has often
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Approved for Release: 2018/06/01 C00123268

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FOIA release, from the cia-readingroom collection. The PDF is mirrored here; the original link is under it. 205 pages are in the text index: search them above, or from the library's search.