Documents / FOIA release
This Central Intelligence Agency conference report, numbered RTT 95-10039 and dated October 1995, presents the proceedings of a conference held 30 September to 1 October 1993. The CIA's Geographic Resources Division sponsored the conference. In it, academic geographers, anthropologists and US Government officials examined ethnic conflict by region, covering Eastern Europe, the former Soviet Union, Africa, Latin America, the Middle East, Asia and South Asia. The report also discusses what these conflicts mean for US policy. It does not deal with UFOs or unidentified aerial phenomena.
“Terry”13 pages
Approved for Release: 2018/06/01 C00123268 perceptual attributes of territory, the ways in which territory acquires significance in human affairs, and the nature and impact of competing strategies to con- trol territory (Knight l982). Much of the social sci- ence and public policy literature on ethnicity fails to consider these issues; instead, territories are treated simply as fixed units within which political and social developments are situated. This does not mean that territories are entirely ignored. Questions are asked about the role of Quebec in Canadian national politics, the political tactics of the Armenian minority living within Azerbaijan, the social consequences of ethnic heterogeneity within the states of India, and the prob- lems that interstate resource inequalities pose for political stability in Nigeria. These questions tend to be addressed, however, without any consideration of the historical development, perceptual attributes, or spatial configuration of the territorial units involved. The importance of such questions becomes immedi- ately apparent if we pose a series of counterfactual questions. Would ethnolinguistic identity and inter- group conflict in Canada be different if Quebec had developed as three separate provinces instead of one? Would Armenian-Azerbaijani relations be any differ- ent if Stalin had not created an Armenian enclave within Azerbaijan? Would ethnic relations in Nigeria be different if the state had been divided into 30 instead of 19 constituent units? The obvious “yes” that each of these questions commands indicates the importance of going beyond approaches that take the territorial status quo for granted. Two related territorial issues are at the heart of geo- graphical work on ethnic conflict: (1) the nature and scope of ethnic senses of territory and (2) the develop- ment and institutionalization of particular political- territorial arrangements. Turning to the first issue, the habit of taking territorial arrangements for granted means that we often do not consider the disjunction between territorial structures and group sense of terri- tory. Yet a map showing group sense of territory can tell us much more about the likelihood of conflict than can a static political map. It is, of course, difficult to delimit a group’s sense of territory with any precision, but insights can be gained through an examination of historical political pattems, group rhetoric and ico- nography, population concentrations, and the distribu- tion of sites with particular ethnocultural significance (see Gottmann 1973). When the same area clearly falls within more than one group’s sense of territory, the potential for conflict is heightened (see, for instance, White 1992). It is important to note that not all senses of territory are monoethnic in character. One of the fundamental flaws of many analyses of pre-civil-war Bosnia is the failure to recognize the strength of a multiethnic Bos- nian sense of territory. The number of people in Bos- nia who were declaring themselves as “Bosnian” on census and survey forms grew steadily in the post— World War II era, and many inhabitants came to think of the country as a territorial synthesis of cultures. The recent partition plans developed for Bosnia fail to grasp this reality. Instead they propose dividing the country into ethnically discrete units. Since such pro- posals neither can build upon preexisting senses of territory nor can possibly lead to the establishment of truly monoethnic territ0ries—the groups are too inter- mingled for that to happen—their implementation would at best create a highly unstable situation; each of the new subdivisions would have an explicitly monoethnic rationale, yet each would be ethnically heterogeneous and would fall within more than one group’s sense of territory (Jordan 1993). The Bosnian example suggests that, when policies are implemented that ignore underlying territorial ideolo- gies, instability is likely to result. The issue of sense of territory is thus closely linked to the second core terri- torial issue: the development and institutionalization of particular political-territorial arrangements. Focus- ing on the process by which formal territories come into being is important because it can provide insights into how territorial arrangements shape ethnic identity and interaction, how conflicts develop and are sus- tained, and how territory is used to advance particular political ends (see generally Sack 1986). Many groups sharing basic cultural traits did not become self-conscious ethnic groups until fairly recently. Some 200 years ago there was no widespread sense of Palestinian, Kurdish, or Flemish identity. Those identities were forged in the context of politi- cal-territorial developments that served to differentiate peoples based on cultural characteristics. In the case 9 Approved for Release: 2018/06/01 C00123268
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FOIA release, from the cia-readingroom collection. The PDF is mirrored here; the original link is above. 205 pages are in the text index: search them above, or from the library's search.