Documents / FOIA release

(Estimated Pub Date) the Challenge of Ethnic Conflict to National and International Order in the 1990S: Geographic Perspectives- October 1995

Central Intelligence Agency · 1995-10-01 · 205 pages · text from the file's own layer

This Central Intelligence Agency conference report, numbered RTT 95-10039 and dated October 1995, presents the proceedings of a conference held 30 September to 1 October 1993. The CIA's Geographic Resources Division sponsored the conference. In it, academic geographers, anthropologists and US Government officials examined ethnic conflict by region, covering Eastern Europe, the former Soviet Union, Africa, Latin America, the Middle East, Asia and South Asia. The report also discusses what these conflicts mean for US policy. It does not deal with UFOs or unidentified aerial phenomena.

  • p. 50 …For example, Muslim Serbs and Muslim Croats never defined them- selves as a people. They never…
  • p. 51 …I think that’s very crucial to under- standing why the Albanians never claimed Kosovo. Of…
  • p. 62 …be taught as a second foreign language, never as the first, and d_) less information and…
  • p. 78 …It never was. It might be useful, instead, to view the Soviet Union as a colonial…
  • p. 91 …As such, the ability of states to get from their people what they want has never…
  • p. 92 …The peoples of Africa never chose what their bound- aries should be—they were imposed by…
  • p. 93 …I never would have sent them in the first place. I thought our job was to…
  • p. 109 …Most of the provisions of this agreement were never imple- mented, and Kurdish autononiy became a…
  • p. 110 …those remaining in Lebanon, that prospect was never accepted by Muslims. The absence of believable data…
  • p. 112 …the vast majority of them—who have never known democracy. Other hopes can be enter- tained…
  • p. 114 …But in this region we can never say never, as evi- denced by the recent gasp…
  • p. 116 …Although Sovietologists could never have predicted the rapid events that dismantled the USSR at the beginning…
  • p. 119 …The Chinese, in my opinion,‘ never take China for granted, culturally, politically, or otherwise. This is…
  • p. 120 …What is going on here? National identities, although imagined, are never arbi- trary but arise in…
  • p. 121 …be one reason why these categories have never been challenged. The very Confucian practice of the…
  • p. 123 …These ethnic identities are “imagined” in Ben Ander- son’s (1983) terms, but they are never…
  • p. 133 …Inter- vention in the cause of the exacerbation of ethnic conflict should never be justified. Intervention…
  • p. 141 …Sociocultural identities in South Asia have never been fixed. The corporate mobility of particular groups, some…
  • p. 147 …Although never posing a serious challenge to Congress, the Mahasabha was particularly influential in the period…
  • p. 157 …were always moderate and that the extremists never represented the Sikh rank and file. One fundamental…
  • p. 166 …These are the people who have never had any form of internationally recognized status and who…
  • p. 169 …ways to enter as illegal immigrants and never get counted. 1 I Another important point to…
  • p. 177 …The -French nation never managed to incorpo- rate the adjacent French-speaking Belgian Walloons or the…
  • p. 186 …The reason Armenians still hate Turks is that there has never been reconciliation. Similarly there will…
  • p. 204 …You are never going to have total agreement on mov- ing boundaries. In fact, hundreds of…
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'Appr0ved for Release: 2018/06/01 C00123268
percentage drop below 50 percent. However, the loca-
tion—-and here we come into the geographic aspects
that were emphasized by Dr. Murphy-—of these three
districts complicates the task of regionalization. Two
of the plurality districts—Trincomalee and Amparai—
are in Eastem Province and present the same defini-
tional problem as produced by the larger provincial
units. The third district, Nuwara Eliya, is located in
the center of the country, where it is surrounded by
Sinhalese majority districts. Furthermore, the ethnic
population that holds the plurality is the Indian Tamil
community. Therefore, if a definition of “Tamil popu-
lation” were to be expanded ti) combine both the Sri
Lankan and Indian Tamils, the resulting different eth-
nic map would produce a Tamil region having a non-
contiguous exclave. i
Minor civil divisions below the district level are too
small for political autonomy. ;That does not mean,
however, that these units cannot be used as a basis for
a regionalization scheme. However, the spatial frag-
mentation of the Sri Lankan Tamils in the peripheral
zone persists at this scale. In t_he'Trincomalee District,
the population residing alongja narrow coastal sliver
forms a plurality consisting of a third ethnic group—
the Moors. The geometric complexity of ethnic con-
centrations is partially solved if the Sri Lankan Tamils
and Indian Tamils are considered as members of the
same ethnic category because the plurality population
of this coastal strip shifts to being Tamil. Although
such a redefinition of the Tamil population tends to
solve some of the problems of contiguity along the
east coast, as noted above, it complicates the regional-
ization task in the central part of the country.
Thus, it is evident that a major contributor to ethnic
conflicts is the distributional pattern of contending
populations. Also, this Sri Lankan situation reinforces
the generalization made yesterday: the areas where
atrocities are most likely to occur, and from which
most refugees would originate, are the zones of ethnic
transition between the regional core areas of the dif-
fering ethnic groups. '
Now, let me shift to the second topic which concems
India, where I would like to deal with a nonterritorial
conflict. My own interests have usually focused upon
ethnoregionalism more than on the nonspatial inter-
class struggles for power. However, interclass strate-
gies have real implications for the Hindu nationalist
movement.
It is critical to note that we are dealing with two major
perspectives on Indian nationalism, the secular and the
Hindu. Indian secular nationalism is well illustrated
by the leadership of Nelnu, who expounded, prac-
ticed, and institutionalized the pluralistic society.
From this perspective, the Indian nation-state is based
upon a syncretic view of Indian culture and a federal
system of govemment. All religions, all jatis, all lan-
guages, and all people within the territory of this
country have equal opportunity under the law, accord-
ing to the Constitution. The laws of the land accom-
modate both the wishes of the majority, as expressed
by free and democratic elections, and the rights of the
minorities.
In contrast, Hindu nationalists believe that the nation
should be based not only on common culture but also
upon the religion of Hinduism. The more extreme
forms want to mle India as a Hindu state and rid the
country of all non-I-Iindu persons and influences. The
more benign fonns of Hindu nationalism seek unity
among the various castes and languages in India
through the common heritage of living within a “Hin-
duized” land.
From the perspective of flie Hindu nationalists, Bud-
dhists, Jains, and Sikhs already share a more or less
simliar sacred geography. Because of their origins,
their holy lands are within the same Hinduized land.
The Iews and the Parsis came from foreign areas, but,
because these communities are small, they have not
been a particular problem. On the other hand, Hindus
view Christians and Muslims—with their doctrinaire
ideas—-as a problem. The nonacceptance of Muslims
is especially strong because:
- Muslims are associated with the invasions from
circa 1000 to later than 1500.
147
Approved for Release: 2018/06/01 C00123268

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FOIA release, from the cia-readingroom collection. The PDF is mirrored here; the original link is under it. 205 pages are in the text index: search them above, or from the library's search.