Documents / FOIA release

(Estimated Pub Date) the Challenge of Ethnic Conflict to National and International Order in the 1990S: Geographic Perspectives- October 1995

Central Intelligence Agency · 1995-10-01 · 205 pages · text from the file's own layer

This Central Intelligence Agency conference report, numbered RTT 95-10039 and dated October 1995, presents the proceedings of a conference held 30 September to 1 October 1993. The CIA's Geographic Resources Division sponsored the conference. In it, academic geographers, anthropologists and US Government officials examined ethnic conflict by region, covering Eastern Europe, the former Soviet Union, Africa, Latin America, the Middle East, Asia and South Asia. The report also discusses what these conflicts mean for US policy. It does not deal with UFOs or unidentified aerial phenomena.

  • p. 50 …For example, Muslim Serbs and Muslim Croats never defined them- selves as a people. They never…
  • p. 51 …I think that’s very crucial to under- standing why the Albanians never claimed Kosovo. Of…
  • p. 62 …be taught as a second foreign language, never as the first, and d_) less information and…
  • p. 78 …It never was. It might be useful, instead, to view the Soviet Union as a colonial…
  • p. 91 …As such, the ability of states to get from their people what they want has never…
  • p. 92 …The peoples of Africa never chose what their bound- aries should be—they were imposed by…
  • p. 93 …I never would have sent them in the first place. I thought our job was to…
  • p. 109 …Most of the provisions of this agreement were never imple- mented, and Kurdish autononiy became a…
  • p. 110 …those remaining in Lebanon, that prospect was never accepted by Muslims. The absence of believable data…
  • p. 112 …the vast majority of them—who have never known democracy. Other hopes can be enter- tained…
  • p. 114 …But in this region we can never say never, as evi- denced by the recent gasp…
  • p. 116 …Although Sovietologists could never have predicted the rapid events that dismantled the USSR at the beginning…
  • p. 119 …The Chinese, in my opinion,‘ never take China for granted, culturally, politically, or otherwise. This is…
  • p. 120 …What is going on here? National identities, although imagined, are never arbi- trary but arise in…
  • p. 121 …be one reason why these categories have never been challenged. The very Confucian practice of the…
  • p. 123 …These ethnic identities are “imagined” in Ben Ander- son’s (1983) terms, but they are never…
  • p. 133 …Inter- vention in the cause of the exacerbation of ethnic conflict should never be justified. Intervention…
  • p. 141 …Sociocultural identities in South Asia have never been fixed. The corporate mobility of particular groups, some…
  • p. 147 …Although never posing a serious challenge to Congress, the Mahasabha was particularly influential in the period…
  • p. 157 …were always moderate and that the extremists never represented the Sikh rank and file. One fundamental…
  • p. 166 …These are the people who have never had any form of internationally recognized status and who…
  • p. 169 …ways to enter as illegal immigrants and never get counted. 1 I Another important point to…
  • p. 177 …The -French nation never managed to incorpo- rate the adjacent French-speaking Belgian Walloons or the…
  • p. 186 …The reason Armenians still hate Turks is that there has never been reconciliation. Similarly there will…
  • p. 204 …You are never going to have total agreement on mov- ing boundaries. In fact, hundreds of…
Approved for Release: 2018/06/01 C00123268
Summary of Discussion
v
Discussant: Robert Stoddard
I am going to try to achieve two things: first, integrate
content with what Alex Murphy said yesterday about
general principles through an illustration in South
Asia, using Sri Lanka as an example and, second,
build upon what Dr. Schwartzberg has said about the
background of ethnic diversity in South Asia, but giv-
ing a slightly different prediction about India’s politi-
cal future.
'
The ethnic conflict in Sri Lanka is primarily between
the Sri Lankan Tamils and the, mostly Sinhalese gov-
ernment. The Tamils want greater political control
over their lives; therefore, they seek greater autonomy
or even sovereignty over a specific territory. My com-
ments pertain to the controversy over the delineation
of such an area, a territory I will call “the Tamil
region.” .
At first glance, it would seem that a map showing the
spatial distribution of people according to their ethnic-
ity would provide a fairly objective method for draw-
ing boundaries. However, even so-called objective
regionalization depends upon agreement about, at
least, four conditions which involve fundamental geo-
graphic issues. These are:
~ The definition of the pertinent population. What
constitutes membership in the ethnic group being
regionalized is illustrated in §ri Lanka by the uncer-
tain status of those classified as Indian Tamils.
Because the Indian Tamils have an uncertain citizen-
ship status, have been less politically active, and
generally belong to a lower caste than the Sri Lan-
kan Tamils, they are usually omitted from the popu-
lation that defines the Tamil region. But such an
omission is not universally accepted and, as I will
presently show, the inclusion of Indian Tamils can
make a difference.
i
~ The definition of ethnic territory. Territorial belong-
ingness is normally based upon the existence of a
demographic majority. But a census unit where no
group exceeds 50 percent, a case can be made for
defining territorial belongingness to the group hav-
ing only a plurality. In most administrative subdivi-
sions of Sri Lanka, one or another of the ethnic
groups has a very large majority, so the potential for
this kind of controversy is limited to only a few
areas. But these few areas are the critical places of
conflict and are where “ethnic cleansing” is most
likely to occur. Even though intense fighting has
taken place in the Tamil heartland of Jaffna, some of
the severest suffering by noncombatants has
occurred in the peripheral or frontier areas, where no
ethnic group possesses a majority.
' The size of the areal units. The real crux of the terri-
torial problem is one of scale because the homoge-
neity of a region depends upon the size of the areal
unit that is being clustered to form a regional whole.
' The decision about the necessity for regional conti-
guity. There is a strong argument for avoiding ethnic
enclaves in any administrative unit. In the Sri Lan-
kan situation, it is difficult to achieve complete con-
tiguity because of the spatial distributions of the
ethnic populations.
Let us examine this regionalization task-—that is, the
objective delineation of a Tamil region—by looking at
the distributions of ethnic populations at three areal
scales.
On the provincial level, eight of the nine Sri Lankan
provinces have large majorities consisting of only a
single ethnic group. Furthermore, their geographic
arrangement does not violate the goal of contiguity
(figure 13). In the Eastern Province, however, the larg-
est group has only a plurality. Sri Lankan Tamils, who
have the plurality in this province, insist that it should
be part of their region of control, even though it differs
a little bit from the traditional historical lands. The
government disagrees.
If we look at the district level, the complexity of the
territorial issue is even more evident. In over half the
24 districts, the majority ethnic group exceeds 80 per-
cent of the population. In only three districts does the
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Approved for Release: 2018/06/01 C00123268

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FOIA release, from the cia-readingroom collection. The PDF is mirrored here; the original link is under it. 205 pages are in the text index: search them above, or from the library's search.