Take All--Gorbachev Urals Visit

Read from the scan by GLM-OCR; expect the odd misread word.

chose the course which was not the best and set off on the course of confrontation.

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[Excerpts] What are we getting from him? Nothing except a full dose of criticism. Well, that is the right of every member of the Central Committee, and deputy, his right. But it seems to me now that his potential as a political figure nonetheless is not great. His program and his speeches are known to me. If they are taken in succession, it is like an old played-out record, a collection of theses: The leadership is living out its term, it has exhausted itself, torn itself away from the people and so on and so forth. If one takes the criticism by itself, it is of some use, all the same. However, I cannot agree with his indiscriminate accusations directed toward the leadership of the country, toward the party and the Central Committee.

What he touches upon requires serious political analysis. While remaining principled, critical, demanding, one must behave responsibly oneself. Boris Nikoalyevich is speculating upon the difficulties, upon the socioeconomic tension. All that does exist, but one can and must act in order to draw lessons, to turn the matter round, and not speculate upon the difficulties from demagogic positions. I think that here, Boris Nikolayevich has got carried away and is not at all able to get off this destructive track.

Of course, you understand; That it is only because I am in Sverdlovsk and you are asking me about it that I have given such a detailed reply. On the whole, I have never delved deep into these discussions, I do not like them. Today, we need to get things done, not engage in slogans and promises. I think probably something should be said about privileges. We ought to get to the point where there are no illegal privileges. There should be just one privilege: That labor, talent, position and merit should all be valued, but on the basis of law. In this connection we have already resolved a great deal. I know that both in your region and throughout the country these problems -- concerning private residences and all manner of "special benefits" -- are being resolved.

In Moscow, as far back as the time of the Civil War, Lenin and the country's top leadership were provided with state Jachas. In the thirties the system was given legal status through appropriate decisions. This was done to fix the leadership's salaries at a certain level, so that they would not differ sharply from those of workers, officials or the intelligentsia. Salaries for Politburo members and for secretaries of the CPSU Central Committee were R800, but in conjunction with this it was possible to order provisions up to a value of R400. And there were a number of other concessions. Now we have handed over all the dachas: In one case to veterans, in another for children, in a third case for medical purposes, in a fourth for holiday homes.

From now on all this will be decided at the Supreme Soviet, as is the case in all states. As far as the top two or three people are concerned, the Supreme Soviet will have to pass an official decision on what level of salary to set and what conditions are attached, and then publish this information for everyone to know. The main criterion is that everything should be assessed in terms of salary, and from there on one lives as the rest of the country lives.

Now we have got as far as personal pensions and personal transport. This all needs to be thought through. I shall tell you frankly: We are of a